Thursday, September 21, 2017
Editorial : Democracy & Gorkhaland!
“We want Gorkhaland and nothing else” is what the people of Darjeeling hills are shouting and we too echoed it, agreeing with the demand. The movement sparked with the announcement of implementation of Bengali language as a compulsory one, and reignited the century-odd old dream for recognition of identity. And this time, it is a peoples’ movement. Peoples’ huge participation, vigilance over the leaders’ steps and outbursts of protests against any hint of opportunistic negotiations has led this movement to another level.
We participated in the 'Pahal Walks' along with songs, poems, street plays, slogans and posters to support the liberation struggle of the Gorkha nationality and to condemn the state terror unleashed. Gorkhas are oppressed minority and are demanding a separate state of Gorkhaland within the Union of India. The government should listen. In India, the formation of States were initially done on the basis of languages, although certain policy changes were done later. But why can't there be another State Reorganisation commission formed and several other such demands reviewed? India acts like a jail to many oppressed ethnicities. Various nationality or linguistic struggles across the country proves it.
Darjeeling region was under the control of the kings of Sikkim, Bhutan, Nepal in phases, sometimes a autonomous region, sometimes in Bihar and lately was incorporated in Bengal. Who are the aboriginals of this place? Historians might have different opinions about it, but yet it is for certain that the Gorkha/Nepali people are dwelling in this region for centuries. This topic might be discussed further, but we must understand that, only history cannot determine the future of people living in some place. Today people have thrown away the kings and colonial rules in the bins of history and is struggling with the system of capitalism, while writing the history of common people. In this journey, the voices of the people rendering their bloods and sweats must be heard. If we can't understand this, then history would deny the struggle and establishment of life of black Americans or Bengali refugees too. Can history afford to deny that? Should it do so?
After many long struggle and sacrifices, the Nepali people in this region have established their language-literature-culture, which is much different from the rest of Bengal. During British period, on the one hand, freedom movement was ongoing and on the other, was the struggle of the toiling mass. On one hand, voices of dissent and on the other, the quest for identity. This is how the history of Darjeeling took its shape.
When we feel proud calling our country a 'democracy' and while the majority people of this region are demanding separate state for their nationality, then 'democracy' should recognise it. The government of West Bengal, the present one or the previous, has always acted against the voices of the hill people. The Chief minister, who used to say that 'the hill is smiling', is now unleashing havoc state terror, her police is killing innocent lives, internet and local medias blacked out, foodgrains and medical supplies being interrupted, and sending armed forces in consultation with the centre. We know the role of this Central government and BJP is dangerous to the unity and progress of the people of the country and now it is becoming clear in the context of Darjeeling also.
In this movement communal violence must be avoided. Democratic rights of ethnic minorities must be protected. We must expose the role of State Government and the ruling party for trying to develop opposition in the Bengali community, towards this movement and creating division among the Gorkha community by forming various tribal boards, so as to destroy the inner force of the movement. We must steer this movement for enhancement of our identity, for democracy, for the betterment of the toiling class, for employment of youths, for education of students, for better health system for the common people and for overall development of society.
Not mere emotion, but far-vision should be the driving force of the movement. We shall advance our struggle to build a 'Democratic Gorkhaland' and a 'Democratic India' in its true sense.
The legacy we uphold : Gorkhas in Freedom Struggle
Ambika Rai
Gorkhas are ‘brave’! This imposition of an imagery limits or portrays the entire community in a monolithic manner. The popular narratives uttered frequently in society are mostly created by the ruling class, and as they have a strong campaign machinery, these narratives spread widely too.
Britishers identified the Kharia & Sabars as a "criminal" tribe, as they did identify Gorkhas as "brave". But can a community as a whole be identified in such a homogeneous manner? This narrative of 'brave' revolves around the idea of the Gorkhas as an exclusive ethnic group juxtaposed with the liberal nationalist imagination of the ‘Indian nation’. ‘Brave’ are those in history who serve the purpose of the then ruling class. And it goes on changing with the handover of the baton of rule.
But is it that black and white? People in a community are of different types. Various aspirations, dreams, livelihood steer the lives, and the objective reality as well as ideological beliefs often pave the thought processes. So we need to tear apart this veil and look upon deeply into the narrative.
We need to denounce this colonial construction of the Gorkha identity, which is prevailing till date. The ‘glory’ of fighting (for the masters) on the borders of the countries all over the world, doesn’t at all corroborate with the repression unleashed by the same masters, while demanding the recognition of identity. Let us not ignore the sacrifices made, but we would like to view the history from the other side. We are in a peoples' struggle now. So let us shed light from that angle. Here is an account of Gorkha peoples' participation in the freedom movement in British India.
In the year 1907, the ‘leaders’ of the Hills
submitted their charter for a separate administrative setup outside Bengal for
the first time. They consisted of the retired army and police officers, who
were supported by the landed aristocrats and rich traders. Their leader was S.
W. Ladenla, an Additional Superintendent of Police in Darjeeling. They
expressed their loyalty towards the British and stated their dislike about the
‘nationalist movement’.
But it is interesting to
note that, almost at the same time, the partition of Bengal and the Swadeshi
movement gave birth to a strong anti-British movement and the wave of which
started to entangle the Gorkha people too. A number of revolutionary magazines
were published from the different parts of the country. Gorkha Sathi was
published from Kolkata in 1907. The editor of this Nepali magazine was Pritiman
Thapa and Han Singh Thapa, the publisher. Pritiman Thapa gave a call to Gorkha
soldiers to fight against the British in India. Regarding Thapa’s acts, the
Commissioner of Police in Calcutta sent a telegram to the Director of Criminal
Intelligence on May 28, 1907. It reads: “A Nepalese, Prithiman Thapa,
addresses a meeting at Calcutta Square, 27th. Evening, about 200 present,
advocated publishing monthly newspapers for distribution to Gorkha soldiers to
ascertain situations and their duties for the motherland, case of poverty in
India and true connection between Gorkhas and Bengalese and English.
Unfortunately Nepali gentleman visiting Calcutta found difficulty in mixing
with Bengalese not knowing Bengali. He will strive to bring Bengalese and
Nepalese together....” (Foreign Dept. External lB Proceedings, Sept.1907,
Nos. 1019, National Archives of India)
Parasmani Pradhan,
Suryabikram Ghewali, Dharanidhar Sharma and many others established Nepali
Sahitya Sammelan, aimed at the development of Nepali language and literature.
And in 1920, they placed the demand for self rule within Bengal. During this
time, Gandhian non cooperation movements started flourishing in the tea
plantations, under the leadership of Dal Bahadur Giri and other educated
Nepalis like Partiman Singh Lama, Savitri Devi, Putali Devi, Agam Singh Giri,
Man Bahadur Giri, Bhagat Bir Tamang. In the entire course of the struggle for
Independence, Gaga Tshering Dukpa, Mitra Sen Thapa, Major Durga Malla, Chabilal
Upadhyay, Captain Dal Bahadur Thapa, Jungbir Sapkota, Ram Singh Thakuri, Krishna
Bahadur Mukhia and Pushpa Kumar Ghising were the others to mention. Dal Bahadur
Giri was arrested in June and November of 1921 in Darjeeling on charges of
anti-government activities. He breathed his last in 1924 at the age of just 36.
Partiman Singh Lama, a close friend of Dalbahadur Giri, was a Forest Range
Officer. He quit government service and plunged into the movement. He organized
activists in Kurseong and Mirik. He was served a notice asking him to refrain
from leaving Kurseong town without the permission of the police. Helen Lepcha,
who was renamed as Savitri Devi by Gandhiji, was the prominent Gorkha woman
freedom fighter from Kurseong. She helped Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in the
famous escape from imprisonment in Kurseong. She, along with her twelve Gorkha
volunteers, was arrested and put behind bars.
On the 8th May 1934,
Bhawani Bhattacharya and Rabindranath Banerjee, the young revolutionaries made
an assassination attempt on the Governor of Bengal John Anderson at Darjeeling.
Bhawani Bhattacharya was eventually sentenced to death and Rabindranath
Banerjee sentenced to life in prison. Later other revolutionaries who were
found co-conspirators were also sentenced to prison. Though it is not clear as
to where they lived or who hosted them, it is known that they met frequently
with the underground revolutionaries and supporters at the Nipendra Narayan
Hindu Public Hall and practiced firing at the forests below the Shrubbery Park.
Darjeeling was truly humbled by the blood of these great revolutionaries. A
great spurt thence was noticed among the local people who took up the cause of
the motherland.
Chobilal Upadhyay, a
Gorkha, was the first president of the Assam Provincial Congress Committee
(APCC). Bhaktabahadur Pradhan, Dalbir Singh Lohar, Pratap Singh Subba were the
other prominent freedom fighters there. Upadhyay, along with others, hoisted
the Congress flag at Behali Thana in 1942. The police arrested him and sent him
to jail.
Under the leadership of
Subhas Chandra Bose Gorkhas joined the Indian National Army (INA) and fought
against the British government. He appealed to the Indian Nepalis in the
Darjeeling hills to join him, at a meeting of the Bengal Provincial Congress
held in Jalpaiguri in 1939. Responding to the appeal, an estimated 1,000 people
from remote hill areas enrolled.
Captain Durga Malla, a
Gorkha from Dehradun and an eminent freedom fighter of INA, was caught in
forest of Malaya by the Japanese forces, and was hung in the central jail of
Delhi on the 25 August 1944. He was charged with “Waging War against King
emperor” and “Committing a civil offence contrary to the section 41” under the
Indian Army Act. He fought alongside Captain Mohan Singh, who himself was the
General and Commander in Chief of Army for liberation of India. Captain Mohan
Singh even chose Captain Durga Malla as the Major of INA and he was assigned
for gathering information from the British group.
Special mention must be
made of Captain Ram Singh Thakuri, who remains immortal as the military
musician for the Azad Hind government-in-exile because of the tunes he set to
the INA’s marching songs.
Captain Dal Bahadur Thapa,
another great Gorkha rebel was the commander of an elite unit within the INA.
During the battle at the Kohima-Manipur Front, he was captured by the British
forces and was charged with “Waging War” during a trial held at Red Fort,
Delhi.
Major Purna Singh Thakur
was the first Gorkha to join the initiative of Captain Mohan Singh. Puran Singh
Thakur was given the task of recruiting troops from the Indian Prisoners of war
for INA. In June 1942, he along with fellow members were captured in Rangoon
and was imprisoned for as seven years.
The INA had a group
comprising of teenagers known as ‘Bal Sena’ or ‘Janbaz Dal’. One of the
functions of the group was akin to modem day suicide squads or human bombs.
Indreni Thapa and Sabitri Thapa, the two Gorkha teenagers of ‘Janbaz’ reached
the zenith of martyrdom by blowing up British tanks, making themselves human bombs
by strapping mines on their bodies and crawling under the British tanks
camouflaged as bushes. Reportedly, non other than Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose
was the eye-witness of this supreme sacrifice.
Pushpa Kumar Ghising
participated in the Naval Uprising of 1946. He resigned from the Navy on
September 8, 1946 to plunge into the independence movement now on its ultimate
stage. He got into the naval ammunition dump alone and taken its control after
bringing down at least three British soldiers stationed there. The weapons thus
procured were used by the Indian sailors to hold back the British for 5 days.
On the fifth day, Ghising and his friends were arrested and taken to the
Mulundi Jail where he was court-martialed but acquitted during the trial.
The name of such brave
Gorkhas does not end here. The list holds other names too who participated in
the freedom struggle, Bhaktabahadur Pradhan, Dalbir Singh Lohar, Pratap Singh
Subba, Deo Narayan Pradhan, D. B. Pradhan, Jungbir Sapkota and Krishna Bahadur
Mukhia among many others.
As a matter
of fact, they are the ones who truly deserves to be called as “Brave” among the
Gorkhas. But there may be just a handful of us who know about these people.
Like every other freedom fighter of our country, they have fought for the
freedom from the British clutch, so why their effort and sacrifices does goes
out in vain? Don’t they deserve the place in history?
A Prisonhouse of oppressed Nationalities : INDIA
Parag Banerjee
Today’s India was not like it
always. It has gone under several mergers, some forcefully and some
diplomatically, both were for the benefit of the ruling class of the then
India. As history is largely used to justify the oppressive unification of
nationalities in one nation, we need to revisit the history of formation of
India as a nation-state, and the formation of different states within India.
Indian sub-continent: before colonial rule
To trace the movements of
different nationalities, with respect to Indian nation-state, we need to trace
a brief history from many a years before to 1947. In pre-colonial India, there
was no one language or culture in this sub-continent. There were no well
defined geographical borders between one set of objective identity parameters
(like ethnicity, language, culture, religion, caste etc) and another. Though
there was a vague idea about a country named India, reflected in the writings
of then eminent persons, it was largely derived from the concept of a massive
landmass from the Himalayas in the north to the ocean in the south, which got
manifested from time to time. The major determining factor in the course of
history, behind the unification of all these differences to a single
nation-sate with same legal structure and tax-system was the interest of the
colonial rulers, to plunder the natural resources of this country and to create
a market for their imported goods. If the British had not come, the fate of
these ethnic groups and nationalities of this sub-continent would have been
different.
Movements during colonial India
The movements of different
nationalities started beginning within colonial India with ‘Andhra MahaSabha’
demanding for a separate Andhra Pradesh in 1911. For language-based creation of
states and education in mother tongue, movements were building up among the
Tamil, Malayali, Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali and Oriya in the tumultuous times
of the anti-imperialist struggles of 1918-1922. From the Nagpur session of
Congress in 1920, their organisation building started to be based on linguistic
provinces. In 1929, headed by Motilal Nehru, the Nehru committee presented to
the Simon Commission their demand for language based provinces. But the
national leadership of congress started backtracking slowly and the assertion
of a nation-state came to focus alongside with the rise of anti-colonial
struggle throughout the country.
1947 and creation of Indian
nation-state
The aftermath of the ‘Two nation
theory’, demand for a separate state for Muslims, the bloody riots following
the Partition drowned the voices of different nationalities. After the exit of
the British the brown-skinned rulers started terming the voices of the
nationalities as signals of separatism and denied the demands for
language-based provinces. At this stage, the nationality movements were growing
mainly in the princely states ruled by feudal kings. The feudal interest of
these princely states, which earlier used to get support from the British, for
retaining their control over their subjects, started to switch to Indian state,
dreaming their interest would be saved. As a result the Indian state got
consolidated and the jubilant native rulers started injustice towards the
demands of the nationalities forgetting their earlier promises. In the
constitution of the ‘independent’ India, drafted in 1950, there were no rights
of self-determination, self-governance, and secession for the states. Almost
all powers rested in the hands of the central government. Instead of being a
republic based on self-governance, India built itself as a ‘prison-house of
nationalities’.
The annexation of territories to India
Under the June 3 plan, 562
princely states were given the option of joining either India or Pakistan or choosing
Independence. Indian nationalists and large segments of the public feared that
if these states did not accede, a vast majority of the people and territory
would be fragmented. The rulers of the princely states were not uniformly
enthusiastic about integrating their domains into independent India. By far the
most significant factor that led to the princes’ decision to accede to India
was the policy of the Congress, with Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel and V.P Menon playing the leading role. In
July 1946, Nehru pointed that no princely state could prevail militarily
against the army of independent India. In January 1947, he said that independent India would not accept the ‘Divine Right of Kings’, and in May 1947, he declared that
any princely state which refused to join the Constituent Assembly would be
treated as an enemy state. There was the use of both threat and diplomacy to
the kings but the question of peoples’ aspiration was never taken seriously. In
most of the cases these kings were very unpopular among their subjects, and
their choice was according to some vested interest and did never reflect the
aspirations of the people.
The reorganisation of states within India
The States Reorganisation
Commission (SRC) was the body constituted by the Central Government,
in 1953, to recommend the reorganization of state boundaries according to
linguistic basis. After nearly 2 years of study, the Commission recommended
that that India’s state boundaries should be reorganized to form 16 states and
3 union territories. Throughout the two years of its work, the Commission was
faced with meetings, demonstrations, agitations, and hunger strikes. The
strongest reaction against the SRC’s report and the States Reorganization Act came
from Maharashtra where widespread rioting broke out and eighty people were
killed in Bombay city in police firings in January 1956. From then on, there
were reflections of peoples’ aspirations in movements on behalf of people of
Kashmir, Tamilnadu, Karnataka, Kerala,
Vidarbha, Gujarat, Sikkim, Uttaranchal, Punjab and peoples from different
origins of north-east. There is continuous state repression and a virtual
‘Army-rule’ and continuous violation of human rights in parts of Kashmir and
north-eastern states like Assam, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal
Pradesh to suppress the peoples’ right to self determination.
Some cases of reorganization
The first re-organisation of
states on linguistic basis was merging Telangana with Andhra. Nehru commented–
‘An innocent girl called Telangana is being married to a naughty boy called
Andhra. It is their choice to continue or get separated.’ Even it was the will
of Telangana to get separated but it was only after huge bloodshed it was
carved off Andhra Pradesh, that too keeping in view 2014 Lok Sabha Election and
other calculations. The motive behind the merger was to exploit the natural
resources of Telangana, which later on became the cause for its separation.
The reason
cited for the formation of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand was mainly
‘administrative advantage’, hich turned out to be advantage of the MNC’s in
plunder of mines and other natural resources and advantage to control the
dissenting voices from the people. The case of Kashmir is probably among the
worst examples. Both the Indian and the Pakistani state along with Chinese,
fought with each other and caused to kill many civilians for decades, but none
care to give the people of Kashmir their right to self-determination.
The case of
Gorkhaland is somewhat different; demand of Gorkhaland and various other
aspects are discussed on other articles. The agenda here is to bind all the
nationality based movements. The State enunciates suppression if the movement
is against its political will.
Demand of self-determination and
its FIght
Among the upholders of Indian
nationalism there are debates regarding whether the formation of more small
states on language or nationality basis within Indian Territory will strengthen
Indian nationalism or weaken it. In the realms of administration and education
the all-India big bourgeoisie foists the English and Hindi languages throughout
the country and thereby stunts the development of the languages of the
nationalities. The language question may only be resolved by permitting
equality of the national languages. The Indian ruling classes attempts to
promote unity of the state on the basis of Hindi identity; it targets the
minority communities through anti-Muslim and anti-Sikh pogroms.
A
consistent democratic approach to the nationality question necessitates support
for the Kashmiri people, the demand of the Gorkhas etc and the nationalities of
the North-East. The solution to the problem of nationality struggles are
connected to end of the current centralized economic and political control by
the central government, the use of national languages in the administration and
education in the mother-tongue, a struggle against big national chauvinism of
the bigger nationalities and against fundamentalism particularly Hindi
fundamentalism. The establishment of a voluntary federation of the
nationalities based on the right to secession, autonomy for the minority
nationalities in each national republic is needed to proceed in the direction
of social equality and progress.
The nationality question & the right to self-determination of oppressed nationalities
Kapil Tamang
To delve into the Nationality question and the
demand for self-determination, to chalk out a gross outline regarding our
position with respect to it as a progressive force, we need to enter deeper
into the subject.
Formation of a Nationality
In the primitive era, people used to dwell in some
relatively small collectives (clan) or some of those clans lived together
(tribes), the foundation of which was kinship or blood relation. With time,
these tribes merged together to form a race or a nation, whose members are not
only connected by blood relations, but generally it took shape by the
integration of several tribes bearing different racial features.
In the pre-capitalist era,
under the discrete rule or laws, nationalities that were formed encompassing
several isolated collectives did not bear any economic or political tie at all.
The flare of nationalistic consciousness was first seen while the process of
elimination of feudalism and development of capitalism were going on. In the
era before the birth of modern capitalist countries, there were established
colonies in different parts of the world. Under the confinements put by the
imperialists, in their interests, the nationalities started to get their shapes
and it yielded in distorted economic and political development.
Capitalism created modern nations
The development of capitalism created modern
nations.
.... “Nationality ... is not a racial or tribal
phenomenon. It has five essential features: there must be a stable, continuing
community, a common language, a distinct territory, economic cohesion, and a
collective character. It assumes positive political form as a nation under
definite historical conditions, belonging to a specific epoch, that of the rise
of capitalism and the struggles of the rising bourgeoisie under feudalism.” [Based on J. V. Stalin, Marxism and the National
Question, 1913].
The call of free market was alluring the emerging
bourgeoisie to overcome the native boundaries of feudalism. They, to ensure
mass support, gave a political effort to make ‘their own people’ conscious
about ‘their own culture and politics’, and in this quest, new myths were discovered;
several phrases and motifs were used to convert this identity consciousness
into a powerful and effective emotion. This is nationalism. This is the very
trump card for the nascent bourgeoisie to get into the throne of power.
Now in case of nationality-based oppression, it is for
the gains of a small section of the oppressor nationality. However in doing
this they try to include the oppressive nationality in its entirety and even
don’t hesitate creating animosity throughout the society or promulgating riots,
if required.
Nationalism- a bourgeois
philosophy
Nationality
struggle- a FIght for freedom
Nationalism, be it of the oppressor or the oppressed, or of any
nationality, is nothing but a bourgeois philosophy. And it is based on
“National Unity” which is the unity of the proletariat & the bourgeoisie of
one nationality against all the other.
The struggle for
nationality is generally led by the local bourgeoisie. Often they are in clash
with the bourgeoisie of the dominant nationality for the control of local
businesses, which eventually translates into the demand for right to
self-determination. This demand can only become all-prevailing when in reality
their social-cultural expressions get trampled and their socio-economic
development is hindered. Then only people from all walks of life join in the
fight of liberty from the oppressors. So the fight of freedom being against the
oppressive ruling class of the dominating nationality, every democratic person
needs to support these struggles and the baton of leadership can be carried
over to the hands of one class to the other. It is imperative for the working
class and oppressed people and the democratic voices in these struggles to
participate and create debates within, and to influence the course of the
movement. Whence these battles get concluded, struggles against other
exploitations ubiquitous in the society will become inevitable, especially the
class-struggle.
Right to self-determination :
A
fundamental democratic right
For every nationality right to self-determination is a fundamental
democratic right. It means the right of a people of a nationality living within
a boundary to create a sovereign state for them within that boundary. Right to
self-determination is the right to secede as well.
If at the end, we ‘Imagine all the people sharing
all the world’, an essential condition to that end is the struggle of
nationalities for equal rights which means revoking all the special privileges
relished by the oppressor nationality along with the inequalities suffered by
the oppressed. “From their daily experience the masses know perfectly well the
value of geographical and economic ties and the advantages of a big market and
a big state. They, therefore, resort to secession only when national oppression
and national friction make joint life absolutely intolerable and hinder any and
all economic intercourse.”
“We demand freedom of self-determination, i.e.,
independence, i.e., freedom of secession for the oppressed nations, not because
we have dreamt of splitting up the country economically, or of the ideal of
small states, but, on the contrary, because we want large states and the closer
unity and even fusion of nations, only on a truly democratic, truly
internationalist basis, which is inconceivable without the freedom to secede” (Lenin, collected volumes, English, vol-21, page
413-14).
conFLicting nationalisms :Problems in them
Time and again we see two conflicting errors on the
question of nationalism. The first is the nationalism of the oppressor nationality.
Those who are contaminated with the chauvinism of the oppressors, namely their
brand of nationalism, only utter the question of voluntary unity. They don’t
speak up against the unity historically determined by imperialism; neither do
they support the right to secede, though they speak of equal rights. It is
unfathomable to them that as long as the right of nationalities to
self-determination is not addressed, there won’t be any real unity or equality
between the people of the oppressed & the oppressor nationalities.
Those plagued with the
problematic nationalism of the advanced nationality, often consider today’s
countries and their boundaries to be everlasting. The right of political
“secession” seems incredulous to them. But under any circumstance or time the
right to politically secede, the opinion being of the majority or expressed
through a referendum, ought to be supported & whether it has any basis in
reality is hardly a valid question here. What is impossible today can become
inevitable tomorrow.
The other problem is
getting entangled in the bourgeois nationalism of the oppressed nation. Here
the problem is of opposite nature. They only consider the emancipation of their
own nationality, only envisage what the bourgeois of their own nationality see—
but deny understanding that this very struggle has a distant goal of voluntary
unification of the nationalities too. And often, failing to keep the correct
orientation, this struggle gets derailed, and endangers the unity of the
working class.
These two problems of two
nationalisms creeping among the oppressor and oppressed nations are the
reflections of the dominance of the bourgeoisie, bourgeois thought over the
whole sphere, and we should oppose them.
But while opposing
bourgeois nationalism of all nations, we find that there is a democratic
essence in the nationalism posed by the oppressed nationality, as this one grew
out of the struggle against aggression of imperialism or big capital. Thus we
support this struggle against nationality based oppression. The effect of
bourgeois thought on the oppressor nation is more problematic as behind it lay
the imprint of the bourgeoisie of dominant nation, the bourgeoisie in power.
And along with that, added is the long nurtured idea of domination among the toiling
people belonging to the oppressor nation.
How relevant is nationality Question right now?
Global capital is now concentrated in the hands of a few hundred global
conglomerates. Centralization of capital is at its zenith. Every day, trade
worth lahks of crore dollars gets conducted between multinationals.
Monopolistic capital is increasing its stranglehold over this planet and
astronomical amount of money is being spent for this purpose. These few hundred
corporations are aggressively pursuing a disastrous strategy with the only goal
to maximize profit. At the receiving end is the working class. Every new merger
brings to it news of closure, layoffs or more work load.
Without going into too many
details it can be said that though no end to poverty, illiteracy or failing
health throughout the globe seems to be in sight, the corporations seem to seamlessly
merge into the capitalistic states and their tools of oppression. A conflict
becomes apparent at this juncture. A section of the bourgeoisie and
petty-bourgeoisie theorists have began to opine that in the present backdrop of
globalization, ethnic identity is no longer as important as it had been in the
past. In reality, with the strengthening of global market, the contradictions
between nations have become even more intense. The history of last century is
that of the revolt of production power against the limits of national
boundaries. World economy has evolved in this direction and in its wake brought
economic crises and world wars. The natural contradictions of capitalism have
further provoked it to show it’s tooth and nail. But, not only in erstwhile
colonies but even in developed capitalist countries the ethnic question has
come to the fore in many cases. These questions are often getting raised in
places where it had been earlier thought to be having been resolved. There is
no doubt that capitalist exploitation will be on further rise.
On the other hand, the
desire for freedom within the oppressed will increase with social progress. We
need to realise that there is a contradiction in the formation of nationality
due to the bourgeoisie or trickledown effect of capitalism on the one hand, and
the process of fusion of nations or to wipe out their variations in the era of
globalisation, on the other. We observe instances of backward nationalities
advancing and getting more consolidated with time, and simultaneously we see
some nationalities being smashed or getting extinct with time. It depends upon
where the contradiction would lead.
But those who seek the
ultimate solutions in this secessions or formation of small states or
autonomous bodies might look at the previous instances of such formations. It
is clear that the quantitatively increasing lures of self-rule will not convert
to the qualitative taste of freedom for a race.
The mode of capitalist production utilizes, among
many other methods of exploitation, the practice of unfair exchange based on a
repressed group’s lack of consciousness, helplessness of various forms and
rampant unemployment. So to reach the desired horizon, the emphasis should be
more on the issue of class struggle than on nationalist movements. But if
however, the nationality movement comes to the fore, the question of identity
motivates people superseding the class struggle, we need to respond to it
positively, instead of turning it down. The sense of deprivation looming large
needs to be attended to go ahead for a glorious destiny.
The Right to self-determination across the globe
Priyasikha Rai
At the international level, the
right to self-determination of all nationalities is considered to be a
fundamental right. It is important to notice the peoples' demand. Whether the
demand is good or bad, whether it is instigated by separatists or terrorists,
whether it is economically viable or geographically problematic, whether such
demand will render people to more oppression, suffocation, distress or
exploitation can be discussed and debated, but at the end of the day, the right
to determine their destiny should lie with the people over there.
In the
post-colonial era, in the era of advent of capitalism, these things came into
discussion in theoretical manner and while framing the constitution in
Socialist Soviet Russia, this right to self-determination including right to
secede was introduced as a fundamental right officially for the first time in
history.
But despite
its inclusion in the human rights covenants or in the declarations of United
Nations after the 2nd World War, the implementation of these principles
continued in a slow and incomplete manner. Thus several people are deprived of
this right.
In 1941,
Allies of World War II signed the Atlantic Charter and accepted the principle
of self-determination. In January 1942, twenty-six states signed the
Declaration by United Nations, which accepted those principles.
The
ratification of the United Nations Charter in 1945 at the end of World War II
placed the right of self-determination into the framework of international law
and diplomacy.
Chapter 1, Article
1, part 2 states that purpose of the UN Charter is:
“To develop friendly relations
among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and
self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to
strengthen universal peace.”
Article 1 in both the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), read:
“All peoples have the right of
self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their
political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural
development.”
Though India has reserved to the
matter of right to self-determination in the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights, 1966, however, this reservation is on right of secession
under the umbrella of right to self-determination.
The
necessary implication in ICCPR and ICESCR is that the fundamental freedom guaranteed
by various international instruments is to be encouraged by implementation of
the right of self determination. This is an expression of basic democratic
principles and means that people cannot be deprived by their own regime of the
right of self-governance.
Initially
the concept of right to self-determination gained importance in decolonization
process post World War II and its concept has been evolving with changed
circumstances. As of today, the internal aspect of this norm is much more
emphasized and as such goes beyond the classical or post-colonial context.
Internal
aspect of Right to self-determination includes right to self government or self
rule, that is, the right for people to choose freely their own political,
cultural and economic regime which is choosing the best that suits their own
conditions rather than accepting something thrust from outside, due to
political oppression.
However,
there is a huge gap between the legal right and political reality. In today’s
world when in one hand all the movements for self-determination, are suppressed
in the name of curbing terrorism and separatism, on the other hand questions
are also raised that which is more important, self-determination rights of the
nationalities or an unperturbed border?
An attempt
sponsored by Spain and Argentina to qualify the right to self-determination in
cases where there was a territorial dispute was rejected by the UN General
Assembly, which re-iterated the right to self-determination was a universal
right.
In the
post-colonial era these arguments on self-determination continue to live on
within the United Nations through the numerous struggles of different
nation-states and diverse oppressed nationalities.
In 1976
Universal Declaration of the Rights of Peoples was signed in Algiers which
stated that,
“Every people has an
imprescriptible and unalienable right to self-determination. It shall determine
its political status freely and without any foreign interference. Every people
has the right to break free from any colonial or foreign domination, whether
direct or indirect, and from any racist regime. Every people has the right to
have democratic government representing all the citizens without distinction as
to race, sex, belief or colour, and capable of ensuring effective respect for
the human rights and fundamental freedoms for all.”
But in reality, a lot of struggle
is yet to be done.
STATEMENT BY HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANISATION
Human Rights violation in Darjeeling
ASSOCIATION FOR PROTECTION OF DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS (APDR)
18 Madan Boral Lane, Kolkata 700 012, Phone 9432276415
Email : apdr.wb@gmail.com
Website : apdrwb.in
Press Release 22/07/2017
'A Single Spark Can Start a
Prairie Fire'-- This is what was concluded by the delegation team of APDR after visiting the turmoiled
regions in the hills.
On 21 &
22 July 2017, the central investigation team of APDR got divided into two
groups and visited different places in Darjeeling Hills. In each and every
place like Kurseong, Sonada, Darjeeling, Bijanbari, Kalimpong, we got several
instances of human rights violations. We spoke to the family members of
agitators who got killed, to the joint leadership of the parties involved in
the movement, contacted the administration and above all spoke with the general
people.
Our Experiences
1) The number of people killed in firing in
Singmari, Sonada and Mirik counts to 9. In most of the cases, the bullets had
hit on the upper part of the body, even in the face also. While doing
postmortem, videography too was not done. The state government is not admitting
that police had fired the bullets. But the witnesses are emphasising that
police only did so.
2) Food crisis is severe in hills.
People aren't getting their rations because the government is not willing to
fetch, citing the strike by the agitators as a lame excuse. Whereas, the
government didn't make any delay in sending the extra police and paramilitary
forces! We conclude that there is severe violations about the right to food of
the people of the hills.
3) The crisis of recognition of the
identity of the Gorkha people is a problem since a long time. They are also
complaining since long that they are being deprived on the line of their
separate nationality. The recent decision by the Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee
that, in every school in the state of West Bengal, learning Bengali should be
mandatory did add fuel to the fire. Basically, we feel that, this very spark
turned into prairie fire. Apart from it, the way in which the government continuously
tried to malign the highest leadership of the movement, also made the situation
more complex.
4) We clearly feel that, some agitators also did or are doing things that
are against the norms of civilization and profound thought. APDR strongly condemns the incidents
of demolishing the heritage buildings
and libraries.
5) At the same time, APDR is also concerned about the
future of the famous tea industry of the Darjeeling hills. Since the high
quality tea estates are closed now, it was not and is still not possible now to
carry out the maintenance jobs in the tea gardens. There are apprehensions
about deterioration in the quality of darjeeling tea.
6) There are allegations about
transparency in the functioning of the GTA. But at the same time, the role of
the government too, regarding GTA, is also not proper. We demand that, white
paper should be published on behalf of the West Bengal government in this
matter.
In this overall context and after
the ground investigation, APDR demands that
:
a) There should be a judicial
enquiry regarding incidents of death in
police firing. The police, the administration and the government should stop
giving statements regarding this matter in the meantime.
b) Withdraw all the false cases
registered in the name of the agitators including the leaders of the movement.
Release all the arrested people. Withdraw the armed forces from the hills.
c) The right to food cannot be
violated in any case. The responsibility of supplying food is on the
government. The state government should immediately play their without citing
any excuse.
d) The government should stop behaving
in a revengeful manner with the government office staffs who failed to join
their duties, due to the ongoing strike. Goverment should restrain themselves
from executing punishment transfers and other means to heckle them.
e) The APDR wants to unequivocally convey
the agitators also that demolishing heritage buildings and libraries are highly
condemnable. They should look into the matter.
f) Keeping in mind the fame of
Darjeeling tea and the associated financial aspects, we request the agitators
to formulate the movemental steps by profound thinking. The real situation of
the tea garden workers should also be kept in mind.
g) Above all, APDR believes that the audacious
behaviour of the state government has a major role behind developing this
situation. The entire matter should be envisioned in a human and democratic
manner and tried to be solved with flexibility and through proper discussion
among the stakeholders. This is not a matter to exhibit and satisfy personal
ego. The role of the central government is also very important in this case.
They should leave their ill attempts to catch fish in muddy water and should
take immediate steps to resolve the matter with sympathetic attitude.
Dhiraj Sengupta
General Secretary, APDR
[This press release was issued at Siliguri, just after the visit. According
to them, now, they are preparing a detailed report, in which issues like ban on
internet services and local TV channels, disruption in medical services and
supply, and several other issues along with the matters mentioned above are
being jotted down to furnish before all concerned.]
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