मैले किताबलाई नै ब्वाईफ्रेन्ड बनाएँ

 श्रद्धाञ्जली दाहाल ‘मुक्ति’

 

एकजना किशोरीले कसैलाई प्रेम गरेकी थिई। आफूले प्रेम गरेको मान्छेले उसलाई माया गर्दो रहेछ भन्ने कुरोले उ हर्षित थिई। केही दिनको कुराकानीमा उनीहरूको सम्बन्ध गहिरो हुँदै गएको थियो। केटाले उपहारहरू पनि दिने गर्थ्यो। आफ्नी प्रेमिकासँग सम्पर्क गर्ने साधन नभएकोले केटोले मोबाइल फोन उपहार दिने इच्छा गऱ्यो र दियो पनि। उनीहरूको प्रेमिल जीवन राम्रै चल्दै थियो। दुई मुटु एक धड्कन भएर जीवन बिताउने पनि धेरै चोटि कसम खान्थे। तर अभाग्यवश सोचेको जस्तो हुनु सकेन। उनीहरू छुटिनुपऱ्यो।

मायाको चिनो स्वरूप पाएकी उपहार पनि किशोरीले फर्काउनु पऱ्यो किनभने ‘तिम्रो लागि ज्यान पनि दिनु तयार छु’ भन्ने केटोले धम्की र दबाउ दिनु थाल्यो।

मेरा आदरणीय गुरुले भन्नू हुन्थ्यो, -बैँस सबै पशुहरू को आउँछ। मान्छेको पनि आउँछ। तर पशुहरू को बैँस र मान्छेको बैँसमा फरक हुनुपर्छ। बैँसको जोस, होस र बललाई समाज निर्माणमा लगाउने मान्छे कहिले बूढो हुँदैनन् तर होस बिनाको बैँसमा बेहोस हुनेहरू 40 नपुगी बूढो हुन्छ।

आजको परिवेशमा हामीजस्ता किशोर किशोरीको मात्र प्रसङ्ग उठाउनुपर्दा प्रायः नै कच्चा र सस्तो प्रेमको भ्रममा परेको हामी देख्छौँ। प्रेमी र प्रेमिका भनाउँदाहरूले आफूले गरेको गन्तव्य कहाँसम्म छ भन्ने बुझेका हुँदैनन्। अनि किशोरीहरूले आफ्नो स्वतन्त्रताको मूल्य बुझेका छैनन्। त्यसैले आज त्यस्तो प्रेम फगत एउटा सस्तो सामग्री बनिरहेको छ।

पहिला मैले बुझेको प्रेमको बारेमा केही कुरा गर्नु चाहन्छु। पहिलो कुरो त प्रेमले कसैलाई दास बनाउँछ भने म त्यसलाई प्रेम मान्दिनँ। प्रेमले एउटा नयाँ र सकारात्मक बाटो देखाउँदैन भने म त्यसलाई प्रेम मान्दिनँ। प्रेमले त स्वतन्त्र भएर उड्ने प्रेरणा पो दिनुपर्छ भन्ने मलाई लाग्छ। म कसैको दासी बन्नलाई जन्मेकी होइन। त्यस कारण यदि त्यस्तो प्रेमले मलाई पहिला फकाएर पछि दासी बनाउँछ भने म त्यस्तो प्रेमको पासोमा पर्न चाहन्नँ। त्यस अर्थमा आज हामीले जथाभाबी देखेको प्रेमको कुनै अर्थ छैन। म निरर्थक प्रेममा भुलिएर मेरो समाजबाट अलग हुन चाहन्नँ।

हिजोआज सम्बन्ध गाँसिने बित्तिकै केटाले केटीलाई र केटीले पनि केटालाई आई लभ यु भन्नै पर्छ। दिनभरि टेक्स्ट म्यासेजमा आई लभ यु लेख्नुपर्छ। त्योबाहेक अरू गफ पनि त्यस्तै हुन्छ। पहला पहला प्यार है। संसार बिर्सिएर एकोहोरो आई लभ यु चल्छ। तर म सोच्छु – म मेरा बुवाको मुटुको टुक्रा हुँ। आमाको निम्ति म उनको प्राण नै हुँ। तर मलाई माया गर्छु भनेर कहिल्यै पनि मेरा बाउआमाले मलाई आई लभ यु भन्न पर्दैन। म पनि मेरा बालाई संसारको सबैभन्दा सुन्दर पुरुष मान्छु। आमालाई संसारकी सबैभन्दा सुन्दरी नारी मान्छु। म उहाँहरूलाई त्यति बेसी माया गर्छु। तर मैले मेरो माया देखाउनलाई आई लभ यु भन्नु पर्दैन। मलाई मेरा आफन्तहरूले माया गर्छन्, शिक्षकहरूले माया गर्छन्, साथीहरूले माया गर्छन् तर त्यो माया देखाउन मलाई आई लभ यु भन्नु पर्दैन। त्यसो भए यी प्रेमी प्रेमिकाहरूले चाहिँ किन आई लभ यु भनिरहनु पर्ने? मलाई लाग्छ कि त्यहाँ पक्कै पनि बोक्रेपना छ। नत्र केटाले केटीलाई र केटीले केटालाई खुसी पार्ने सस्तो उपाय हो आई लभ यु। तर आज हेर्दा दिनमा पाँच छ पल्टसम्म आई लभ यु नसुनाई, फेसबुकको पासवर्ड नसाटी आफैले गरेको प्रेममा पनि विश्वास गरिँदैन। आजका किशोर किशोरीहरूको निम्ति प्रेम यथार्थबाट पलायन हो भन्छन् हाम्रा एकजना शिक्षक। सत्यबाट भाग्नु आत्महत्यातिर लाग्नु हो जस्तो मलाई पनि लाग्नु थालेको छ। खास कुरा त त्यस्तो बिवाई फ्रेन्ड र गर्ल फ्रेन्ड भएर हिँड्नु मलाई कुखुराको भाले र पोथी आँगनमा चरेको जस्तै लाग्छ।

 ब्वाईफ्रेन्ड झुटो आनन्दको लागि बनाइन्छ। तर मज्जा आउँछ भन्छन् साथीहरू। खै कस्तो मज्जा। मलाई त किताब पढ्दा नै मज्जा आउँछ। आज हाम्रो समाजमा धेरै जना किशोर किशोरीहरू कुलत र आफ्नै मनोविज्ञानलाई नबुझेर त्यस्तो प्रेममा फसेका छन्। तर किताबको मीठो जालमा फस्न उनीहरूको निम्ति अल्छीको कुरा भएको छ। मलाई त लाग्छ कि प्रेम गर्न पनि धेरै किताब पढ्नु जरुरी रहेछ। मैले एकजना प्रगतिशील अग्रजलाई सोध्दा उहाँले भन्नुभयो कि चोखो प्रेम भन्ने शब्द नै अस्पष्ट छ। तर यति हो प्रेम स्वस्थ, सुरक्षित र भरपर्दो हुनुपर्छ। त्यसै कारण युरोपतिरका मानिसहरू ढिलो विवाह गर्छन्। प्रेम गर्नु हतार गर्दैनन्। प्रेम गर्नु अपराध होइन जस्तो भारतमा सोचिन्छ। तर प्रेम गर्नु हतार चाहिँ गर्नु हुँदैन। बाख्राको प्रेम र मान्छेको प्रेममा ठुलो भिन्नता हुन्छ। मलाई कुनै केटोले प्रेम गर्छ भने त्यो बाख्रा हुनुहुँदैन तर जिउँदो मान्छे हुनुपर्छ। किताबजस्तै मान्छे हुनुपर्छ। त्यसैले नै मैले अहिले किताबलाई नै बवाई फ्रेण्ड बनाइदिएको छु।

मैले किताबलाई ब्वाईफ्रेन्ड बनाउनुको कारण पनि छ। किताबले धोका दिँदैन। तर मान्छेले कुनै समय मा पनि दिन सक्छ।किताबले मलाई निरन्तर प्रगतितिर दोहोर्या उँछ। किताबले मलाई हरेक प्रश्नको उत्तर दिन्छ। किताबले मेरो बुद्धिको बिर्को खोल्छ र सचेत बनाउँछ। किताबले मलाई स्वतन्त्र आकाशमा उड्ने प्रेरणा दिन्छ। किताब मेरो लागि बन्धन हुँदैन। किताबले मलाई छुने चान्स लिनु खोज्दैन। किताबले मलाई हरपल साथ दिन्छ। किताबले मलाई दिन्छ मात्र तर केही माग्दैन। किताबले मेरो जिन्दगी बदली गरिदिन्छ। त्यस कारण म सधैँ किताबलाई अँगालेर बस्नु रुचाउँछु। किताबले मलाई कुलत र अनावश्यक कामहरूदेखि जोगाएर राख्छ। त्यस कारण म किताबलाई प्रेम गर्छु।

युवा वर्गलाई भविष्यको कर्णधार भन्छन्। भोलिको देश र समाजलाई सम्हाल्ने र नेतृत्व दिने पनि आजका युवा वर्ग नै हुन्। तसर्थ आजका युवा नै कुलतको सिकार र अचाइँदो क्रियाकलापमा व्यस्त हुनु भनेको समाज र देशलाई नै अँध्यारोतिर धकेल्नु हो। मान्छेलाई धर्तीको बोझ र आँखाको कसिङर हुनुदेखि बचाउँछ किताबले। आजका अग्रज र बुद्धिजीवी महोदयहरूले आजका किशोर र युवाहरूलाई असल बाटोमा दोहोर्या उनु चाहन्छन् भने किताब पढ्ने संस्कृतिको विकास हुनु जरुरी छ। अर्को विकल्प छैन। म त फेसबुकमा पनि पढ्ने कुराहरू नै खोजिरहन्छु। नयाँ नयाँ किताबहरूको बारेमा जान्नु चाहन्छु। नयाँ किताब देख्नेसाथै म रोमाञ्चित हुन्छु।

समाजको उन्नतिको लागि बुद्धिको विकास आवश्यक रहेछ। बुद्धि बिनाको समाजमा बाँच्नु अति कठिन रहेछ। आफूलाई सुरक्षित महसुस नै हुँदैन। बुद्धि बिनाको समाजको सोचाइ साँघुरो हुँदो रहेछ। छोरीहरूले त झन् साँघुरो समाजमा बाँच्नुपर्दो रहेछ। किताब नपढ्नेहरूको गाउँमा छोरी चेली भएर बाँच्नु साह्रो छ। खाली साँघुरो दृष्टि हुन्छ। साँघुरै कुरा हुन्छ। मैले आजसम्ममा जति किताबहरू पढेकी छु – ती सबैले मलाई म कहाँ छु? भन्ने कुरो बताइदिएका छन्। छोरी हुनुको नातामा मेरो शक्ति र अधिकारको बारेमा किताबबाट नै सही उत्तर पाएकी छु। मलाई किताबले नै प्रेमको अर्थ र महत्त्व सिकाएको छ। मलाई स्वतन्त्रता र अधिकारको बारेमा किताबले नै बताएको छ। मलाई बाह्र वर्ष स्कुलका किताबहरूले जुन कुरा बताएनन् पाठ्यपुस्तक बाहेकका किताबहरूले एकै दुई वर्षमै बताएका छन्। साँचो कुरो त के लाग्छ भने बाह्र वर्षसम्म स्कुलबाट जुन यथार्थ कुरा र मान्छेले जान्नै पर्ने कुरा सिकिएन, त्यो त मैले पढ्दै गरेका अन्य किताबहरूबाट सिकिरहेछु।

लौ। भन्नुस्, अब म किताबलाई प्रेम किन नगरूँ? म जसलाई माया गरूँ, मेरो खुसी। मैले कसलाई कसरी र किन माया गरूँ भनेर अरूले मलाई किन सिकाउने? होइन र ??

नारी सशक्तिकरणमा शिक्षाको भूमिका

 माया शर्मा

एउटी महिला शिक्षित हुनु भनेको एउटा परिवार शिक्षित हुनु हो। आजको समयलाई वैचारिकताको समय मानिन्छ। यदि नारी शिक्षित नभए एउटा परिवार कसरी शिक्षित बन्ने? एउटा परिवार शिक्षित नभए यो समाज कसरी शिक्षित हुन सक्ला त? एउटा सभ्य समाजको निर्माणका लागि नारी स्वस्थ, सुखी, शिक्षित हुन आवश्यक छ र त्यो केवल शिक्षाकै माध्यमद्वारा मात्र सम्भव छ। जब नारी स्वयमको स्थिति नै सामाजिक, आर्थिक, राजनैतिक, शैक्षिक दृष्टिकोणले निम्न स्तरको छ भने उसले परिवार, समाज र देशको विकासमा आफ्नो योगदान कसरी दिन सक्ली त? यो वर्तमान समयमा देखिएको एउटा गम्भीर प्रश्न हो।

शिक्षा सामाजिक सशक्तीकरणका लागि मूलभूत साधन हो। शिक्षाकै माध्यमले कुनै पनि नारीले समाजमा आफ्नो महत्त्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाएकी हुन्छे। शिक्षाको आधारमा नै नारीमा कौशल, ज्ञान एवम् क्षमताको विकास हुन्छ। एउटी शिक्षित नारी आफ मात्र लाभान्वित नभएर उसले भावी पीढीलाई समेत लाभान्वित गराउन सक्षम हुन्छे। शिक्षा कुनै पनि प्रकारको कौशल प्राप्तिसाथै विवेकपूर्ण दृष्टिकोणको विकासका लागि पूर्ण रुपमा आवश्यक रहने तत्त्व हो। शिक्षाले नारीलाई उसमाथि हुने शोषण रोक्नमा सहायता गर्छ, स्वनिर्णय लिनसक्ने बनाउँछ। स्वनिर्णय लिनसक्ने क्षमता सशक्तीकरणको एउटा मानक पक्ष हो। शिक्षाको स्वनिर्णय लिनसक्ने क्षमतासँग घनात्मक एवम् सार्थक सम्बन्ध रहेको छ। संक्षेपमा भन्नुपर्दा नारीको वास्तविक स्थितिले नै व्यक्ति,परिवार, समाज एवम् राष्ट्रको सामाजिक, आर्थिक स्थितिलाई प्रभाव पारेको हुन्छ।

भनिन्छ शिक्षा मानव जीवनको एउटा महत्त्वपूर्ण ज्ञानरूपी प्रकाश हो, जसको उद्देश्य अज्ञानतालाई हटाएर ज्ञानको सञ्चार गर्नु हो। मकोल वा अन्य विद्वानहरूका विचारमा-" कुनै पनि समाज वा राष्ट्रको विकासका लागि नारीलाई शिक्षित बनाउनु एउटा महत्त्वपूर्ण विषय हो, कुनै पनि शिक्षित समाजको वास्तविक स्थिति जान्नका लागि प्रथमतः त्यस समाजमा नारीको शैक्षिक स्थिति कस्तो छ? उनीहरूलाई के- के अधिकार प्राप्त छन् अनि राजनीतिक वा सामाजिक निर्णय निर्माणको प्रक्रियामा नारीको कति सहभागिता छ? साधारण भाषामा भन्नुपर्दा नारी शिक्षा शिक्षा विकासको लागि एउटा कारक तत्त्व हो जसले नारीको स्तर र समाजमा उसको भूमिका निभाउनमा सहायता गर्दछ। शिक्षा कुनै पनि व्यक्तिको सुखमय जीवनको एउटा मुख्य आधार हो। शिक्षाकै माध्यमद्वारा एउटी अबला नारी सशक्त एवम् सबल बन्न सक्छे। नारी सशक्तीकरणको तात्पर्य नारीहरूभित्र लुकेर बसेको गुण, शक्ति तथा प्रतिभालाई विकास गर्नु हो, जसलाई व्यवहारमा ल्याएर उनीहरूले आफ्नो विकासतर्फ स्वयम् बढ्न सकुन् र त्यो केवल सम्भव छ त केवल शिक्षाको माध्यमद्वारा मात्र।

विश्व विकास रिपोर्ट 1993-1999 अनुसार-नारी शिक्षा सामाजिक र आर्थिक विकासका लागि मात्र उपयोगी नभएर प्रजननतालाई कम गर्दै नानीहरूको उचित पालन पोषण तथा माता-पिता एवम् नानीहरूको सुस्वास्थ्यमा पनि सहायक हुन्छ। संक्षेपमा भन्नुपर्दा शिक्षा आर्थिक निर्भरतामा सहायक हुन्छ। शिक्षाले नै महिलाहरूको सामाजिक स्तर माथि उठ्छ जसले गर्दा सशक्तीकरण हुन्छ। आर्थिक स्वायत्तताबाट निर्भर एवम् पुरुष प्रधान वर्चस्व ध्वस्त हुनाले केवल नारी व्यक्तिगत रूपमा मात्र लाभान्वित नभएर सामाजिक स्तरमा पनि हुन जान्छन्। यस्ता परिवर्तित घटनाले पितृसत्तात्मक व्यवस्था उथलपुथल हुन जान्छ। फलस्वरूप समाजमा नारी पुरुष दुवैको समान महत्त्व रहन्छ।

संयुक्त राष्ट्र सङ्घले जब विश्वका लागि धारणीय विकासको लक्ष्य निर्धारण गर्योथ तब त्यसमा समावेशी शिक्षालाई अधिक महत्त्व दिइयो। शिक्षाबाट वञ्चित वर्गमा विश्वमा अधिक भाग नारीहरूकै रहेको छ। विश्वमा पुरुषका तुलनामा नारी शिक्षाको स्तर न्यूनतम रहेको छ। भारतको सन्दर्भमा यहाँ स्वतन्त्रताको समय अत्यन्त विकट स्थिति रहेको थियो।त्यस समय पुरुषहरूमा साक्षरताको दर 20% थियो भने महिला साक्षरता केवल 8.9% मात्र रहेको थाहा पाइन्छ। वर्ष 2011को जनगणना अनुसार भारतमा पुरुष साक्षरता 82% थियो भने महिलाहरू 32.5% मात्र साक्षर थिए। अहिलेको समयमा भारतमा 82.14% परुषहरू र 65.46 महिला मात्र साक्षर रहेका छन्। उत्तर प्रदेश, बिहार, राजस्थान, झारखण्ड आदि राज्यमा त केवल 55% भन्दा कम नारीहरू साक्षर रहेका छन्। नारी साक्षरताको हिसाबमा बिहार र उत्तर प्रदेश सबैभन्दा पछाडिएका छन् जहाँ केवल 51 प्रतिशत नारीहरू मात्र साक्षर छन्। यसबाट स्पष्ट हुन जान्छ कि स्वतन्त्रताको 76 वर्ष पश्चात् पनि भारतमा नारी शिक्षाको लागि विशेष प्रयास गर्न आवश्यक छ।

भनिन्छ महिलाहरूले आधा आकाश नै ओगटेका छन्। आज समाजमा नारीको स्थान पुरुषहरू समान रहेको छ। यसको मूल कारण आजका नारी अबला नभएर सक्षम छन्, जसले पुरुषको काँधमा काँध मिलाएर हिँड्ने प्रयासरत छन्। अतः नारी पुरुष जीवनरूपी एकै रथका दुई पाङ्ग्रा समान हुन्। यदि एउटा पाङ्ग्रा निर्बल भएमा जीवनरूपी रथ अगि बढ्न सम्भव छैन।

मनमायाको झोला

मिलन लामा ‘रोगी'

मनमायाले बुनेको सपनाको झोला,

काटेछ क्यारे भ्रष्टाचारी डिकुरेले,

उसको हाड मासुमा घाम छैन

अनुहारमा जुन छैन

आँखामा तारा छैन।

उसको त्यो झोलामा

फुकफुकाउको घर थियो

जागिरे छोराको तलब थियो

राम्री छोरीको कन्यादानको सामाग्री थियो

पाहुनाको आगमनमा सान्तीको श्वास थियो।

मनु,

मनको चोयाले डोको बुन्नु भनेको

पुर्खाकै इतिहास केलाउनु त हो,

इच्छाको मेटेरियलले घर बनाउनु भनेको 

बालुवाको महल त हो

अनि आदर्शको श्वास फेर्नु भनेको 

एकलै हुनु त हो

पेटदेखि माथि कलेजोमा बाँच्ने 

को छ र यहाँ!

गान्धी मरेको देशमा।

जब सपना लटरम्मै फल्छन् नि

भल-पैह्रो चल्छ यथार्थमा

अपाहिज हुन्छ जीवनको संरचना

र बेघर हुन्छ मनको बस्ती

जब इच्छाको गाडी चढ्छ मन

पन्चर हुन्छ गन्तव्य,

अनि उराठलाग्दो हुन्छ वर्तमान र भविष्य।

तिम्री छोरी गर्बेनी भई पोइमा जानु

खासमा ऊ बदनाम थिएन,

चरित्रहीन त उसको समक्ष डिग्रीलाई

टेबलमुनि फालिदिने हात थियो

उसको नोकरी ईन्टरको निम्ति

एक रातको बिउ माग्ने पाखण्डी थियो।

उसले सुटुक्कै खुसी बाँच्यो

बाक्लो दालको लालच होइन

मनु, तिम्री श्रम हल्का गर्नु थियो,

तिम्रो उमेर बढोत्तरी गर्नु थियो,

तिम्रो छोरा हाइट वेट मेडिकल रिटन 

छिर्दा पनि ड्राइभर हुनुपरेको!

कसैको डिमानलाई डिनाइ गर्दा त हो नि,

तिमी मनको पो माया हो त

धन माया त होइनौ!

मनमाया भनेको ईश्वरको प्रिय त हो,

तिमी टाडोमा भएको सूर्यलाई पुज्छौ

कुखुराको भाले पर्सन्छौ

खोलाको भोक मेटाई बस्छौ!

जिन्दगी त युद्ध हो नि मनमाया,

रण भूमिमा छोडिदिएको छ हामीलाई 

ईश्वरले पनि केवल एक चोटि,

चड़ाऊ त प्रसाद तर जिउँदो देउता लाई,

कसम होला

झलमल्ल बल्छ तिम्रो घर।

झन्डा त बोक्यौ नि मनमाया तिमीले

माटोको बोक्यौ

यदि बाटोको बोकेकी भए

मनमायादेखि प्रमोट भएर 

धनमाया हुने थियो,

परोपकारकारको ब्याङ्क स्नेह खाता खोलेर

धर्म त डिपोजिट गर्‍यौ नि मनु

त्यसको इन्ट्रेस्ट त माथि पाउँछौ!

अनि माथि भनेको शून्य हो,

त्यसैले फाटेको हो काटेको हो

तिम्रो झोला, कपटी व्यवस्थाको डिकुरेले।

तपाईँकै पेटमा छ गोर्खाल्यान्ड

 टिका ‘भाइ’

अनुहार रुन्चे पारेर के हुन्छ?

अरूसित रिस देखाएर के हुन्छ?

रोस्ट गरेर खानुस्,

फ्राई गरेर खानुस्,

अथवा

करी बनाएर

गोर्खाल्यान्ड-कै भेजो खाइरहनू भएको छ।

माटो भनेको मासु पो थिएछ,

अस्तित्व भनियो पासो पो थिएछ,

छोरा-छोरीका लागि काम भनेर

लुकी लुकी झन्डा समात्नु भो होला,

आफ्नै लागि दाम भनेर

पार्टी कार्यालयतिर धाउनु भो होला

सडकका अलकत्रा ताछेर

अथवा विकासका रड-सिमेन्टहरू थापेर

जति बिल्डिङ टालिए 

अथवा गाडी, भोज भत्तेरमा फालिए

हो त्यहाँ त्यहाँ छ गोर्खाल्यान्ड!!

नारामा कहाँ छ? जुलूसमा कहाँ छ?

डाँडामा कहाँ छ? मुलुकमा कहाँ छ?

जूठा अनि झूठा पाउहरू मल्दै

अथवा 

सरकारी कोषमा राल चुहाउने

हजुरको अनन्त भोकमा पनि छ गोर्खाल्यान्ड

चोरहरू थिए अगुवा सबै,

कमिसनको तेलमा चल्ने दलालहरू थिए,

अथवा

ति सबै गोर्खाल्यान्डकै हत्याराहरूबाट पोषित

पैसाका दासहरू थिए।

बुझेरै पनि आँखा चिम्लने

तपाईँको कायर समर्पणमा छ गोर्खाल्यान्ड!

पोलेर खानुभो,

या काँचै निल्नुभो,

तपाईँकै भोको पेटमा छ गोर्खाल्यान्ड!!

1955 MARGARET’S HOPE SHOOTOUT : ITS HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND LESSONS.

Sumendra Tamang 

On June 25th 1955, 77 years ago, a terrible and violent shoot out had taken place at Margaret’s Hope, Control Dara where 6 workers namely Jitman Tamang ( 48 years) Kaley Limbu ( 14 years ), Iccha Sunwar , Amrit Kamini ( 18 yrs), MauliShova Raini ( 22 yrs) and Padam Lal Kami ( 24 yrs) had been murdered in broad daylight by the newly “ Independent Indian state” directly under the whims of the Maliks ( owners of tea gardens). An arrested worker named Guptimaya Raini had also lost her toodler girl in prison due to lack of proper medical facilities. 8 workers were seriously injured. More than 240 workers were arrested for this act of rebellion against the tea garden owners and the exploitation they carried. What most the Indians regarded as independence was yet another ‘emotional mischief' for the tea garden workers of Darjeeling. They were betrayed their freedom and when they retaliated back by fighting for their immediate demands ( such as end of Hattabahar system where the manager can throw anyone out of the garden, bonus equivalent to 3 month wages/ salaries, wage increase of workers and staffs, compensation to the workers of closed gardens between 1952- 53 etc) they were supressed using the same repressive state apparatus. This violence perpetuated by the Maliks was intended to crush the movement but instead more than 30 thousand people showed up in the final procession. The same day the police had fired upon a rally procession at Birpara garden too but no one was hurt. On 29th June a strike was called in Terai and Dooars gardens as well. In the end under the pressure of tea garden workers movement, the ruling class had to bend down and important rights such as bonus, monthly holidays and maternity leave for women was won by the workers. This was a result of an organised, conscious and a militant class movement. This movement had an important impact in the political arena of Darjeeling and inorder to realise this political transition we must understand it’s historical evolution and its objective realities. Afterall, such acts of accumulated rebellion happens once in a lifetime.

The beginning of tea plantation in Darjeeling

  These entire terrain of Darjeeling had been a subject of relentless disputes between the then independent Sikkim, Bhutan and Nepal. Regular disputes and forced eviction were rampant. Even before 1835 when Darjeeling was finally merged under the jurisdiction of the British East India company, many indigenous local tribals and communities such as lepchas and others lived in these dense and difficult areas. They were mostly tribes who survived through hunting, agriculture and animal husbandry. General Captain Harbert Resident Grant and Captain Lloyd would survey the area and plans of clearing the dense forest into a haven or a sanatorium was slowly being imagined by the East India company. Hence after 1835 lands from Bada Rangit south to Balasan and Chota Rangit to Mahanadi east was finally handed by the then king of Sikkim. The British started to clear the entire lands both habitable and non habitable by indigenous people living there. Trees were cut, ponds filled, waters springs destroyed, indigenous varieties of biodiversity destroyed. Big bunglows for the British soldiers and their wives were construed. Governor general of India William Bentrick had personally gone to China and bought back some tea seedlings in order to start tea plantation in different parts of India. Here was the advent of tea experimentation in India. Already tea bushes were grown in Assam, Kumau, Garwal etc. In 1839 Dr. Campbell arrived in Darjeeling and tea bushes were first grown in the hills of Alubari but the plants turned out to be feeble. Then in the forests of Aleybung, many tea bushes turned healthy. This was the first ray of hope for the British, later tea plantation started at Makaibari, Alubari, Tukvar, Dhotrey, Margaret’s Hope etc. In 1856 tea plantation in Darjeeling had kicked off and it created a madness in the international market. The British intentionally showed less population in this terrain and most probably it was just the town centric calculations. The intention behind this was to prove to the King of Sikkim that Darjeeling was a wasteland and hence giving it away would not mean much for the Sikkimese. Also Darjeeling was the kernel of war and disputes between Sikkim and Nepal and regular fists fights happened once in a while. But there was one problem, there was not enough workers for this newly formed industry. Hence the British spread a rumour saying “plants which yielded gold” were found in the tea gardens of Darjeeling. In 1854 the monarchs in Nepal had passed the ' Muluki Ain’ which was aimed at systematic supression of poor Dalits and women of then Nepal. This also was a factor for the migration of these poor people from Nepal to Darjeeling (Mughlan). In the plains too, tribals from Chotanagpur plateau were bought in to work in those tea gardens. Darjeeling turned into a cultural conglomeration of different tribal identities where many languages coexisted parallely. Limbu, Gurung, Bhujel, Tamang, Mangar, Kami, Damai, Chettri, Bahun all worked in these tea gardens. In the next forty years about 186 tea gardens opened. Baidars were entrusted with the task of bringing more workers from different places. The British had started tea gardens using extensive slavery and bonded labour with no rights of any kind. The rules were dictated by the British. The workers had to treat those British babus with salutes. The workers were not allowed to look into their eyes not wear slippers or hats or good clothes in front of these British babus. A practice of evicting workers of plantation called Hattabahar was rampant. Anything which had a sense of empowerment was not allowed by the British. The British wanted to rule and hence they ruled with iron fists.

 

After Bhutan tried to attack the British with the intention of capturing Darjeeling in 1862, a battle was fought at Dalim fort( now located at Ambiyok tea garden) and then in 1865 a treaty was signed at Sinchula and as a result of this kalimpong would now become part of Darjeeling. To be noted, Kalimpong was demarcated into Bhutan from Sikkim during 1750- 1760s and was actually a part of Sikkim itself. And now finally, Darjeeling finally became whole. During the 1920s and 1930s some small protests were happening in tea gardens of Darjeeling like Som and Chungthung. In 1949 the pro workers doctor of Margaret’s Hope tea garden Dr. Abhiniranjan Tapalatra and five others were thrown out of the garden for their involvement in trade union activites This was followed by many other incidents of Hattabahar.

 On May 8th 1955 a fourteen point charter of demands was placed to the tea garden maliks. Seeing no such reaction from the tea garden owners on 5th June 1955, a meeting was called at GDNS hall, Darjeeling. In this meeting attended by many trade union leaders and workers it was decided that from 22nd June 1955, if the tea garden owners didn’t comply with the workers demand a strike would be called on behalf of both the trade unions of Majdur Union and Majdur Sangh. The strike had started and it spread like wild fire. But on 25th June, the workers of Maharani and Dilaram tea gardens were forced to work and upon hearing this, workers from Munda tea garden had rallied towards the garden. Along the way workers from Ringtong and Margaret’s hope also joined in. The management of Margaret’s Hope ordered to shoot at the workers inorder to stole the procession Five workers died at the spot and one succumbed to injuries at Kurseong hospital. This was probably the first organised workers movement after independence. This united call for strikes by different trade unions was a result of a conscious and militant workers trade unions movement. This was a golden period of tea garden workers movement. This is the legacy that 1955 Margaret’s hope shooting holds. This movement proved to the Indian state that not only could Gorkhas fight for others but they could fight for themselves too if they have to. This was the political significance of 1955. As a result of this finally the Plantation labour act of 1951 was finally made into rules in 1956.

What we must be learnt from 1955 tea workers movement today ?

It is often campaigned today that tea garden workers have been abandoned by the trade unions and the local leaders of Darjeeling. They have been cheated and cornered, turned into voting machines and means of labour power. Although this is not totally false. The current situation where the tea garden workers stand today has been mainly due to growing hegemony of capitalism in our country. It is also because of the decreasing class consciousness in the tea garden workers. Right now, attacks on working class of India has been multi directional in nature. The new labour codes which has replaced previously existing 44 labour laws. All these laws were achieved through workers movement throughout India. These four labour codes namely, Code on wages, Code on industrial relations, Code on Social security and Code on occupational safety, hazard and working conditions. These labour codes are aimed at totally paralysing trade union activity of the workers, increasing contractualisation of work, implementing ‘hire and fire system’ and ending permanent nature of work with social securities. This new Labour codes are a product of this unhealthy marriage between the Indian ruling classs and global capitalism. In the name of ' ease of doing business ' same old anti worker laws are being rewritten through the hands of globalisation, capital accumulation and capitalism. This new labour laws will push back the workers movement back in history and what has the history taught us? It has taught us that only through an organised working class movement we can stop this. 15 % of tea garden land can be used for tourism purpose. This notification in 2019 amidst Corona crisis has put the workers at grave risk. The risk of eviction and penetration of corporate capital. The workers till now do not have any land rights, Parjapatta. The point being that if the West Bengal state government can provide lands to the corporate for hospitality business, why can’t it provide land documents to the workers whose great great grandfather once cleared this lands and planted these tea bushes.?

Again and again, workers have been deprived of their rights and turned into parts of machines. They are treated as reserve for votes. Most of the trade unions play it safe and profitable for them. The point being, unless and until tea garden workers are organised and a class conscious movement ignited, such anti workers policies will and can be taken. Afterall, this capitalist system profits from the labour power of workers these labour codes guarantee easy, cheap and deunionised workers.

Neither was the 1955 workers movement a lucky strike nor was it just a spontaneous one. It was an organised workers movement and it had generated a political ripple in the hills and the plains of West Bengal. Likewise only an organised uprising of the working class can save itself from the ruins of capitalism and it’s growing hegemony. The future lies in the hope that the tea garden workers understand this collective power they hold and yield in their arms.

Meanwhile, the hope and struggle for the better future and dignified livelihood of tea garden workers continues…..

Dolu tea estate, Assam : Land acquisition in tea garden at the cost of livelihood and survival of workers.

 - Bidisha Barman

    The wee hours of 12th May, 2022 witnessed heavy police deployment along with officials from Airport Authority of India ( AAI), Cachar district administration and hundreds of JCBs at the Dolu Tea Estate of Cachar, Assam to demarcate land for a proposed Greenfield Airport. Meanwhile amidst heavy downpour thousands of workers with their families reached the spot to prevent this activity. Women workers and children were on their knees pleading with the security forces to move away but despite massive protests the JCBs continued their operation and started  excavating and uprooting tea bushes the same day.

Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma had announced in January this year that a new airport will be built in Cachar and thereby a part of land of the Dolu Tea Estate will be used for this purpose. Later it was decided by the administration and AAI that 2500 bigha of  tea garden land will be acquired for the airport and the  government has estimated to pay a sum of ₹50 crore for the project. The management and owner of the garden had readily agreed to give away the land but workers of the Mainagarh and Lalbagh division of Dolu Estate vehemently opposed the decision.

 It has been months since the workers under several Worker Unions have been protesting against the proposed land acquisition for the Greenfield Airport. The administration, airport authority and a few unions had several meetings and on 7th March, 2022 a memorandum of understanding was signed between Dolu Tea Company Ltd and three Unions, Barak Cha Shramik Union, Akhil Bharatiya Chai Mazdoor sangh and Barak Valley Chah Mazdoor Sangh.

However a few other worker Unions and majority of  workers of the estate were unhappy with the clauses in the MoU which included payment of pending PF, gratuity and wages by the company with the amount received for the land but there is no clear mention of compensation or rehabilitation of those workers who will lose jobs because of the land transfer. Workers say the MoU doesn't take into account the major concerns regarding life and livelihood raised by most workers of the estate.

 Thereafter on huge demand from workers a public hearing was held and more than 2000 workers signed a memorandum against the land transfer and made their stand clear that they do not agree to the clauses in the MoU. But instead of making note of the demands and pleas made in the public hearing and in several protests held outside the Silchar DC office, the  with a firm grip decided to go ahead with the proposed Airport project. Payment of PF, gratuity or wage cannot be part of a land acquisition compensation. The company is anyway obliged to pay that because it is the the right of every worker to get paid  all their dues and rights from the pockets of the owners of these tea gardens.

 

The airport authorities and district administration arrived twice at the Dolu garden to demarcate the land with hundreds of security forces armed with riot gears but meeting with heavy protests by workers they had to retract. Workers had raised their voice in unison that only after killing them, the tea plants could be destroyed. It needs to be mentioned that around 30 lakh tea bushes are expected to be extracted to clear the land for the airport.

A few days before the excavation and eviction started, several rounds of flag march were held in front of the Mainagarh and Lalbagh divisions of the estate which had agitated the workers and a face off was seen between the workers and security personnel. Workers believed it was done by the Government under the iron fist control of corporate capital to show their  might and power.

It was in the evening of 11th May that Section 144 was imposed in the area around the tea estate. As soon as the news spread, locals anticipating that their fear would come true reached the Lalbagh division.

Hundreds of JCBs were deployed for the deforesting action and there was heavy presence of armed personnel. Workers cried, begged, pleaded that their concerns be addressed and process of uprooting the tea plants should stop but they were forcefully removed from the area and the operation was carried out even though local tea labourers have been vociferously protesting against these moves fearing job losses.

Workers cannot be treated like objects to be moving from one place to another at will of company owners. They deserve all dignity and right to decide for their livelihood and future. EIA has been a sham, as the public hearing document has been very conveniently discarded.

The administration has stuck to their statement that the acquisition process is being carried on as decided in the Memorandum of understanding.

This instance can be considered as another of capital's rapid move of accumulation and appropriation  at the cost of lives of the working class, marginalised communities and ecology to profit a few corporations and  capitalist owners. The process of eviction and land grab has seen to be intensified specially in resource rich regions and areas where huge amount of land can be easily available with help of the Government and local administration. Across the country the attack on adivasis, tribal communities and indigenous people have been carried out very conveniently by the Indian State to benefit a few profit making companies and lives of the marginalised have been pushed to the brims.  With no implementation of minimum wage and ownership of the homes and lands upon which these workers have been living upon since centuries, these tea gardens,it’s  bushes and most importantly it’s workers are easy preys of this discriminatory and class based exploitation under the whims of capitalism.

The attack on life and livelihood in Dolu Tea Estate has been made by coopting a few Unions and organisations, completely ignoring voice of those who will be impacted and none of the concerns of the workers have been heard or addressed.

Such acquisitions happen in the name of development and easy accessability but we ask, development of whom and at the cost of what!!

Ghoom Jorbunglow college staffs and students on relay hunger strike demanding it's recognition by the West Bengal State government.

- Sumendra Tamang

 

The teaching staffs and non teaching staffs ( 28+ 9) of Ghoom Jorbunglow college penned down their work from 29th April, 2022 and later on 6th of May started a relay hunger strike demanding state aided  recognition of the said college. This college was founded under the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Counsil in 2004 and was later transferred to Gorkhaland Territorial Administration. Both of these autonomous boards have seriously failed to run this college in a transparent and democratic manner.  Ghoom Jorbunglow college may be affiliated to North Bengal University but the state of its  administration is extremely hazy and ill managed. When some of the teaching staff questioned about the nature of their employment which right now is contractual in nature, they were told to think of this college and this job as a stepping stone or apprenticeship/ internship for their future ( real) employment or in simple langauge 'experience gaining opportunity'. No proper means of recruitment and permanent nature of employment has been established in this college yet. Their payscale is extremely low for a public aided college. It's  infrastructure and  administration needs to be  taken care by the government as most of the students are from rural tea gardens and far away villages of Darjeeling. With so many students and a few remaining government aided college, this college needs to be run properly and transperantly so that students from marginalized backgrounds of Darjeeling can avail and afford public education. Afterall, education must be  the most important and crucial right of every citizen irrespective of their class, caste, religion, gender, sex etc.

The movement has taken a pivotal turn since the morning of 14th May 2022, after the students of the Ghoom Jorbunglow College joined their teachers in a parallel relay hunger strike at the college playground. So right now teachers under the non political banner of Ghoom Jorbunglow College staff welfare organization and the students of the said college are staging a protest relay hunger strike together demanding the immediate state aided recognition of Ghoom Jorbunglow College.

Looking at the volatile situation of Darjeeling where GTA election issue is on the heat, this movement of Ghoom Jorbunglow college teaching staffs,  non staffs and students will act as a litmus test for a definite political realisation on peoples part and more intricately on the part of political parties of Darjeeling in particular and West Bengal in general. The realisation being education to be understood as a basic human right and not as a form of any pre-attained privilege and  the need to fight and raise voice against all forms of corruption, nepotism, privatisation and political appropriation of education system happening around our very own eyes. This movement is an indicator that institutional resistance is slowly ripening and more centrality and importance is being pressed upon the  nature of employment and the terms of employment for any sort of labour and services. This college and it's teachers have been facing this problem since it's very inception. They are fed up of being sandwiched between the institutional inefficiency of autonomous boards such as DGHC and GTA and the indifferent attitude of West Bengal government. Their call of protest being #Shiksha_sadak_ma which translates to ' Knowledge on the Streets.'

It's time that the issue of  education becomes a central social and  political agenda for the people of Darjeeling and this country as the drop out rate of students especially from marginalized sections of our society has been constantly dropping in quantity and quality with rampant cuts in public funding and privatisation of education. In order to change our future we must act now  to strengthen the education system or else it will be too late and the damages will be extremely regressive and lethal for generations to come.