लङभिऊ चिया कमानको चल्दो आन्दोलन: गल्ती नाफा मात्र उठाउने मालिकको की सालभरी काम गरेर मालिकलाई पत्ती दिने श्रमीकको? - Sumendra Tamang

 

    कुनै समय लङभिऊ चिया कमान दार्जीलिङ कै सबै भन्दा ठूलो कमानहरु मध्ये एक थियो। साथै यस कमानको उत्पादनशिल्ता पनि उतिकै ज्यादा हुने गर्थ्यो। सन् 1879 मा खोलिएको लङभिऊ कमानको कुल एरिया 1020  हेक्टर भएता पनि चिया रोप्ने कुल एरिया भने केवल 502 हेक्टर मात्र रहेको छ। त्यो पनि आधा उधी जङ्गल नै भइसकेको छ। चियाका बुट्टा त सबैले देख्नु भएका छन् होला तर चियाका 5 फुट भन्दा बढी रूखहरू पनि यहाँ देख्नु पाइन्छ। एक समय 1244 श्रमिक संख्या भएको कमान आज केवल 300 भन्दा अलिक ज्यादा श्रमिकहरु छन्। धेरै जना पलायन भए त धेरै श्रमीकहरु खरसाङ वरिपरिका कमान तिर सुख्खा/ बिघा हाजिरामा काम गर्छन्। 250 रुपियाँको गरिबी हाजिरा, मालिकको हेपाई अनि लुट, असमान कानुन, जमीनको मालिकाना बिना आखिर कसरी नी आफ्नु जीवन निर्वाह सकोस् श्रमिकहरुले!  समय समयमा बन्द गरेर भाग्ने मालिकवर्गलाई भने केवल नाफाको चिन्ता छ भने आजको दिनमा त्यहाँ बस्ने सबै बासिन्दाहरुलाई भने कमानको भविष्यको सुर्ता छ। बारम्बार आश्वासनको बोली मात्र आएपछि, लङभिऊ चियाकमानका श्रमिकहरुले आफ्नु खुदैको संगठन बनाएर सङ्घर्षको बाटो रोजेका छन्।

22 आगस्ट 2024 को दिन चिया कमानका श्रमिक-कर्मचारीहरूले आफ्नो बकाया राशि, पि एफ, ग्राचुइटी, बोनस, ज्याला-वेतन, एरियार, स्वास्थ्य सुविधा इत्यादि माग लिएर धर्ना गरेको ७-८ दिन पुग्न लागेको छ। यी दिनहरूमा कमाने श्रमिकहरूले श्रमिक एकताको बेजोड उदाहरण प्रस्तुत गरेका छन्। मालिक म्यानेजमेन्ट अनि सत्ताको चलखेल चलिरहेको देखिँदैछ। 28 जुलाई  हिल प्लान्टेशन्स् एमप्लोयिज यूनियन (HPE) U का लङभ्यू शाखा गठन भएपश्चात 29 जुलाईको दिन शाखाका युनियन सदस्य साथै पदाधिकारीहरूले म्यानेजर ए पि सिंह ज्युलाई 3 बुँदे मागपत्र बुझाए। त्यसपछि त्यही दिन बिघा श्रमिकहरूको 2022 को रहल 9 प्रतिशत बोनस मध्ये 4%  बकाया बोनसको राशी हालिदिइयो। सानो भए पनि श्रमिक एकताको जीत थियो यो।  तर एरियर, विगत सालको बोनस अनि श्रमिकको बकाया लिएर कुनै ठोस् निर्णय हुन सकेन। त्यही दिन म्यानेजरलाई भेट्न फेरि 5 अगस्त आउने कुरा भयो अनि श्रमिकहरूले यो कुरा म्यानेजरलाई पनि जनाएका थिए। तर म्यानेजर भने अफिस छोडेर दिल्लीतिर लागे। अनि शाखा प्रतिनिधिहरूले फोन गर्दा फर्केर मात्र कुरा गर्न सक्ने कुरा कमान शाखाका सचिवलाई जनाए। त्यसपछि 14 आगस्ट उनी फेरि आएको कुरा सुन्नमा आयो। त्यसको लगत्तै अर्को दिन 15 अगस्त शाखाको प्रतिनिधिहरूले एउटा  साधारण सभा गरे। त्यसपश्चात अझै मुद्दाहरूको बारेमा छलफल भएपछि 17 अगस्तको दिन अन्य थप बुनियादी माग लिएर श्रमिकहरू म्यानेजरलाई भेट्न गए। 27 जना टी मेकरका पद भएका कर्मचारीहरूले त्यही दिन आफ्नु एक महिनाका हाजिरा पाए। श्रमिक एकताको सानो जीत त्यो पनि हो। तिनीहरूको अझै 3 महिनाको वेतन बाकी नै रह्यो।

 

युनियनले पेश गरेका अरु माग लिएर आश्वासन बाहेक कुनै निश्चित निष्कर्ष निस्केन। अरु मुद्दाहरूबारे मौखिक रूपमा आश्वासन मात्र दिएको हुनाले श्रमिकहरूले त्यही दिन धर्ना प्रदर्शन शुरू गरे। दिनभरि श्रमिकहरू म्यानेजरसँग बारम्बार बैठक बसे तर मालिकवर्गले आश्वासन बाहेक केही दिन सकेन। त्यसपछि पत्ती नटिप्ने निर्णय भयो तर कमानको फाल्टो काम, सिकलिङ, लहराको काम गरेर कमानलाई सफा गर्ने निर्णय भयो। उक्त निर्णय गर्नुको तात्पर्य कमानमा नाफाको होडबाजी मात्र नगरेर कमानको स्यार सुसारमा पनि म्यानेजमेन्ट- मालिकले ध्यान दिनु पर्ने सन्देश थियो। श्रमिकहरू यो विषय लिएर गम्भीर छन्, तर यहाँ मालिक म्यानेजमेन्टले हरियो पत्ती बेचेर खान पल्केको छ ।  कमान सुचारु रूपमा चलाउने मालिक, गोविन्द गर्कको कुनै इरादा नै छैन।

 

19 तारीख सोमबार फेरि अफिसमा भेला भएर एकछिन धर्ना प्रदर्शन गरेर काममा जाने कुरा थियो तर राखी लगाउन गएका म्यानेजर फेरि फर्केनन्। भोलि पल्ट पनि आएनन्। त्यसैले 20 तारिखको दिन म्यानेजरको नाममा गाडीधुरा पुलिस आउट पोस्टमा मिसिङ रिपोर्ट फाइल गरियो साथै खरसाङ ALC अफिसमा पनि धर्ना साथै ज्ञापन पत्र बुझाउने कार्यक्रम भयो। त्यहाँ त्रिपक्षीय वार्ताको माग HPEU युनियनले गर्यो। त्यही दिन म्यानेजरले एक पन्ध्रको हाजिरा हालेको खबर जनायो। त्यो श्रमिक एकताको सानो तर दोस्रो जीत झैँ महसुस भयो।

 

त्यसपछि 21 तारीख अफिसमा बिहान 11 बजे सम्म धर्ना प्रदर्शनी गरेर श्रमिकहरू फाल्टो कामको लागि निस्के। पाउनु पर्ने अधिकारको निम्ति गरिएको धर्ना तर मालिक म्यानेजमेन्टले नोटिस मात्र फ्याली रहे।

घरी काम नभए हाजिर नपाउने नोटिस त कहिले म्यानेजमेन्टले भनेको कुरा नमाने हाजिर नपाउने नोटिस! बगानको स्याहार-सुसार राम्रोसँग गर्दै बगान चलाउन बारे मालिकको कुनै चासो देखिँदैन। बगानमा कत्ति झारी-जङ्गल भइसकेको छ भन्ने कुराबाटै त्यो स्पष्ट छ।

 

जे होस्, हालिदिएको हाजिराबारे खबर आयो कि सबै डिभिजनको हाजिरा भने बैंकमा जम्मा गरिएको छैन। श्रमिकहरूले यसबारे  म्यानेजरलाई जनाएर यो प्रथालाई अन्त गरी एकै खेपमा हाजिरा हाल्ने माग गरे साथै यो श्रमिक एकतालाई तोड्ने षडयन्त्र हो भनेर म्यानेजरलाई जनाए।

 

21 अगस्तकै दिन बेलुकी कम्पनीको तर्फबाट कमानको काम HPEUले डिस्टर्ब गरेको आरोप लगाउने चिट्ठीको कपी आयो। त्यसमा मालिकले जनवरीदेखिको 22 पल्ट धर्ना गरेर बगानको काममा रोकटोक आउने कुरा गरे। तर HPEU युनियनको शाखा भने 28 जुलाईको दिनमात्रै गठन भएको हो। त्यसपश्चातको मात्र  4 वटा  धर्नाको  उल्लेख हुनुपर्ने हो। भनेपछि मालिक यसरी नै श्रमिकहरूलाई शोषण गर्दै र बगान लथालिङ्ग पार्दै बगान चलाइरहेका छन्, र HPEU युनियन आउन अघि नै म्यानेजमेन्टकै कारण यत्रो 18 दिन धर्ना भएको  कुरा छर्लङ्ग छ। जे होस्, भोलिपल्ट बिहान 22 तारीख  श्रमिकहरू फेरि अफिस परिसरमा भेला भई मिटिङ गरेर JLC लाई पत्राचार गर्न अनि मालिक म्यानेजमेन्टको यो खोक्रो अनि दमनकारी नीति श्रम बिभाग तथा JLC लाई जनाउने उद्देश्य बोकेर श्रमिक भवन तर्फ लागे। श्रमिक भवनमा 250 भन्दा ज्यादा श्रमिक भेला भएका थिए भने त्यहाँ युनियनले इन्डस्ट्रियल डिसपियुट एक्ट, 1947 अन्तर्गत लेबर डिसपियुट पेश गर्यो साथै त्रिपक्षीय वार्ताको माग राख्यो। चाँडै त्रिपक्षीय बैठक बोलाउने कुरा सुन्नमा आयो। त्यही दिन युनियनका केन्द्रीय सह सचिव सुमेन्द्र तामाङ अनि उपाध्यक्ष छेवाङ योञ्जनको नाममा श्रमिक भड्काएको अनि कमान बन्द गर्ने उद्देश्य  भन्दै बेबुनियादी आरोप लगाइएको चिट्ठी कम्पनीले गाडीधुरा पुलिस आउटपोस्टमा दिएको खबर आयो। यसको कपी शाखाको एकजना पदाधिकारीको नाममा छ। यसले मालिकपक्ष अनि म्यानेजमेन्टको खोक्रो अनि दमनकारी नीति हामी समक्ष उजागर गरेको छ। एउटा कमान स्तरको श्रम-विवादलाई इन्डस्ट्रियल डिसपियुट अनुसार समाधान नगरेर थानामा चिट्ठी दिएर कम्पनीले आफ्नु नियत देखाई सकेको छ। शमशानको शान्ति चाहियो तिनीहरूलाई? श्रमिकहरूले जायज ज्याला-वेतन-बोनस-एरियर माग्दा तिनीहरूलाई समस्या लाग्छ भने कसरी देशको कानुन मानेर बगान चलाउँछन् तिनीहरूले?

 

 हामी युनियनको पक्षबाट यस कुराको घोर विरोध गर्दछौँ। समाधान नभइञ्जेल सङ्घर्ष जारी नै रहन्छ। यो HPEU को अडान हो।

 

23 तारीख श्रमिकहरूको धर्ना पश्चात लगभग एक घण्टापछि 1 बजिको समयमा ALC, खरसाङबाट 28 तारीख अगस्त, 2024 को दिन डाकिएको त्रिपक्षीय वार्ताको एउटा पत्राचार आयो। उक्त पत्राचार HPEU लाई मेल मार्फत पठाइएको थियो।

 

विगत केही दिनदेखि चलिआएको यो आन्दोलनले विभिन्न समस्या अनि असुविधाहरू झेल्नु परिरहेको छ तर पनि लङभिऊका श्रमिकहरूको एकता भने कायम छ। कमान बन्द गर्ने धम्की साथै अलिअलि भए पनि हाजिरा क्लियर पनि हुँदैछ तर यदि यस समस्याको समाधान निकालिन्छ भने यसरी करोडौ बकाया राशि राखेर हुँदैन। 23 अगस्ट 2024 को दिन सम्म 16 करोड 90 लाख 63 हजार 5 सय अठासी रुपियाँ (16,90,63,588) को कुल बकाया राशि श्रमिकहरुले पाउने पर्ने छ। यसै माथि २०२४को बोनस पनि आउन लाग्यो।  यस पाली पनि बोनसबारे चिया श्रमिकहरूले सङ्घर्ष गरेरै आ-आफ्नो बगानमा अधिकार कायम राख्न जरुरी छ। नत्र, फेरि दसैँ आइसक्दा मात्र किस्ती किस्तिको कुरा आउने छ।

 

यसैले हामी समस्त चिया कमानका श्रमिक अनि मजदुर पक्षमा उभिने ट्रेड युनियनहरूलाई चिया उद्योगमा भइरहेका यस्ता व्यापक समस्याहरूको निम्ति र लङभिऊ बगानको समस्याबारे पनि एक भएर काम गर्ने आहवान गर्दछौँ। साथै विभिन्न भनी-भनाई अनि आरो -प्रति आरोपको बयानबाजी मध्ये HPEU ले श्रमिक वर्गको पाउनु पर्ने मौलिक अधिकारको मुद्धालाई नै मुख्य केन्द्र राखेर  आउँदो दिनहरूमा काम गर्नेछ।

 

अब आउँदो 28 तारीख अगस्तको त्रिपक्षीय वार्ताको नतिजाले नै आन्दोलनको बाटो निर्धारण गर्ने छ। यही अन्तराल बीच 24 तारीख देखि 28 अगस्त सम्म म्यानेजमेन्टले भने अनुसार नै श्रमिकहरूले काम गर्ने निर्णय लिएका छन्। उक्त मिटिङमा श्रमिकको पक्षमा कुरा नमिले आन्दोलन जारी नै रहने निर्णय लङभिऊ कमानका युनियन शाखाले निर्णय गरी सकेका छन्। साथै मालिक गोविन्द गढले लङभिऊ चिया कमान राम्रो अनि कानुनी रूपमा चलाएको हुन पर्छ  भन्ने कुरालाई पनि विशेष ध्यान राख्दै HPEU उक्त मिटिङमा उपस्थित रहने जानकारी गराउँदछौँ।

 

मजदुर एकता जिन्दाबाद।

Longview garden workers movement: An introspection and a call for solidarity.- Sumendra Tamang

    When our country is facing multitudes of social movements of the toiling masses and our society is highly sensitive about gender violence and workspace harassments, we often fail to see the exploitation of women workers in their workplace. The making of a working class is strongly a gender based phenomenon in any capitalist society. The majority of workers are women in many industries like handlooms, garments, tea etc. So these working class women when subjected to extreme levels of economic exploitation, social injustice, political misuse and patriarchy fight back. They are capable of speaking up on their own. After all we all need a little push of self confidence and organic leadership. Our unity grows with fruitful contradictions.

 

Let's talk about Longview tea garden. 

Some workers  are my nana, some my aangi. Some I call mam and some aseng. They are all my loved ones and I believe in them. This solidarity among the working class among themselves is what we need. We all need to set aside our petty  political differences and stand together as one but many. The only weapon we have is our unity and a will to will fight for ourselves. 

As the movement against gender violence and discrimination becomes stronger in West Bengal the issues of working class women should not be set aside. After all discrimination and deprivation is the only thing that these women workers face. Tea garden women workers issues  therefore must also  be bought into the ambit of  social movement happening across India against gender justice. 

More than 15 crores of dues have been piled up till date. Workers and staffs haven't been paid for more than 60 days. Arrears are due too. Last year's bonus still haven't been fully distributed. Field workers have to pluck green leaves amidst venomous snakes like Cobras. Elephants, leopards run wild. Yesterday only a teenager was killed by an Elephant nearby the garden. Workers have to pay for fuel to go to the nearest hospital as the hospital in Longview rusts like ill maintained ruins. There are no signs of other fringe rights like umbrella, gumboots, hygienic quarters, healthe etc. Retired workers haven't been paid their Gratuity money. Factory is currently not manufacturing tea and the green leaves are sold somewhere in Jalpaiguri,  workers say. The director of garden Govind Garh owns this garden along with other major residential and construction businesses as well. There is a huge lack of transparency in the functioning of this garden. It can be said that the fruits of labour are being savoured by the master and siphoned away into other businesses. 

This intersectional relationship between gender and class needs to be the primal force of tea garden workers. Meaning it's high time that the women take over the trade union movement of tea industry and only then can the tea garde industry survive. I may be wrong and people can disagree with me.We can disagree and still stand together in this struggle unless your disagreement is rooted in my oppression and denial of my humanity and right to exist.

Isn't this an act of violence against life?

Longview demands justice. 

And justice when delayed is denied. 

Solidarity forever for the union makes us stronger

Sheikh Hasina’s rise and fall: A timeline

 

Source: https://www.dhakatribune.com/353787

The political journey of Sheikh Hasina, one of Bangladesh’s most prominent leaders, has been marked by significant highs and dramatic lows.

Born on September 28, 1947, Sheikh Hasina began her political journey as a student leader. She was elected Vice President of the Students Union at Eden College between 1966 and 1967 and later became the General Secretary of the women's unit at Dhaka University's Rokeya Hall. These early experiences laid the foundation for her future political career.

On August 15, 1975, tragedy struck when her father, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and other family members were assassinated. At the time, Sheikh Hasina and her sister Sheikh Rehana were in West Germany. They accepted political asylum in India, offered by then-prime minister Indira Gandhi, and lived in New Delhi for six years.

After being elected president of the Awami League on February 16, 1981, Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangladesh on May 17, 1981. Her return marked the beginning of a new chapter in her political career, characterized by both struggle and perseverance.

Throughout the 1980s, Sheikh Hasina faced repeated detentions under martial law. She was placed under house arrest in February and November 1984, and again in March 1985 for another three months. 

Despite these challenges, she continued to fight for democracy and justice.

In 1986, Hasina and the Awami League participated in the general election under President Hussain Muhammad Ershad, where she served as the leader of the parliamentary opposition. 

She led an eight-party alliance against Ershad’s regime, demanding fair elections and democratic reforms.

As the political landscape of Bangladesh became increasingly volatile, Hasina’s leadership was put to the test. In December 1987, Ershad dissolved parliament, prompting mass uprisings in Dhaka. The protests resulted in several deaths, including that of Awami League activist Noor Hossain.

Sheikh Hasina’s resilience paid off when she became prime minister in 1996 after winning the general election. Her tenure lasted until 2001.

Source: Al Jazeera.com

During the 2006–2008 political crisis, Hasina was detained on extortion charges, a move seen by many as politically motivated. Despite these challenges, she won the 2008 election, solidifying her position as a key political figure.

In 2014, Hasina was re-elected for a third term in an election boycotted by the opposition BNP, raising questions about the legitimacy of her government. Nevertheless, she continued to lead the country and won her fourth term after the 2018 election.

In 2024, Sheikh Hasina secured her fifth term as prime minister, making her the world’s longest-serving female head of government. However, her final term was marred by controversy and violence.

Around 300 people (unofficially more) lost their lives in Bangladesh due to violent protests stemming from the controversial quota system for government jobs. Anti-government demonstrators marched into Dhaka on Monday following a weekend of intense violence that claimed over 90 lives.

Protesters were demanding the resignation of prime minister Sheikh Hasina and justice for those killed during the clashes. 

The protests escalated on July 16 when clashes between security forces and pro-government activists and students turned violent. The Supreme Court intervened to roll back the quota decision, but the unrest continued.

A renewed wave of anti-government demonstrations over the weekend saw violent clashes reignite, drawing hundreds of thousands of protesters and further destabilizing the nation.

Sheikh Hasina resigned from her position on Monday, August 5, 2024. 

Shortly after her resignation, Hasina, accompanied by her sister Sheikh Rehana, left Dhaka via helicopter, landing in Agartala, the capital of the Indian state of Tripura, according to Indian media reports.

In the wake of Hasina’s resignation, Bangladesh Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman announced plans to form an interim government.

Amidst the tussle between the BJP and TMC for political power, the people of North Bengal find themselves sandwiched and cornered: Is this the end or the beginning? -------Sumendra Tamang

 In a rare show of bonhomie between the ruling TMC and the opposition BJP, the West Bengal Assembly on Monday, August 5th, 2024 unanimously passed a resolution opposing any attempt to divide the state, in other words crush any demands of self determination and nationality movement in the state. The Bidhan Sabha of West Bengal in a motion under the Rule 185, passed an unanimous decision in favour of Akhanda Bengal. The proposal was primarily initiated by some MLAs of TMC such as Sobhandeb Chattopadhyay, Arup Biswas, Baluchik Baraik, Nirmal Ghosh, Biplab Mitra, Debashish Kumar and Sashi Pandra and was unanimously supported by all the BJP opposition such as leader of the opposition Suvendu Aadhikari, Dilip Ghosh, Shankhar Ghosh etc . BP Bajgain was not allowed by his own party BJP and also the speaker of Bidhan Sabha to speak in the assembly and he protested against the resolution by walking out of the house. "We believe in cooperative federalism. We are opposed to any attempt to divide the state," Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee said while speaking on the motion. The BJP, maintained that it is opposed to the idea of bifurcation of the state and asserted that it rather wants its development, especially of the northern parts. Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari proposed the inclusion of a line in the motion: "We want overall development of united West Bengal." "We are against any attempt to divide West Bengal," he asserted. The proposal was accepted by Banerjee, paving the way for unanimous passage of the resolution. Amid demands from various quarters for a separate state of Gorkhaland, Greater Coochbehar Kamtapur and also for carving out a separate Union territory comprising northern West Bengal, the ruling Trinamool Congress moved this resolution under Rule 185. 

Image source: ndtv.com

The West Bengal Assembly had passed a similar resolution through voice vote in February last year against attempts to divide the state. Looking at this rare political alignment between the two contending parties of West Bengal it is evident that both the BJP and TMC is against the formation of small states within the territory of India. Although TMC has maintained this stand right from its inception and it was also very clear to the people of Darjeeling but this should be an eye opener for all the ‘ blind followers’ of BJP from the region of North Bengal. For more than decade BJP has maintained a ‘fake solidarity’ with the people of Darjeeling and it was the Darjeeling constituency from where Jaswant Singh from BJP had first won its seat in West Bengal legislative assembly in 2009. The BJP has used the sentiments of the people of North Bengal especially Darjeeling Terai and Dooars into slowly gaining their entry into West Bengal Legislative assembly. And now, when it’s entry is guaranteed, BJP is trying to win the sentiments of ruling Bengali chauvinism by putting out it’s ‘ anti small state core ideology.’ Neither the BJP nor the TMC stands with the minorities and self determination aspirations of the oppressed nationality but all they propagate is parliamentary appeasement and communal disharmony. This exposure now stands clear and the people of North Bengal especially Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Terai and Dooars should realise this and get out of this trap of BJP’s hypocrisy and TMC’s authoritative political framework. This should also been an eye opener for all the regional political parties who have poisoned, pledged and polarised themselves into loyalty between the two parties. Theoretically speaking, this should also be an indicator that we should understand the fine difference and also the interdependence of development agenda and identity movement for the self aspirations of the people of North Bengal. While the majority of the people from North Bengal are dependent on tea garden economy and still the working class of tea gardens don’t receive a daily minimum wages. It is the working class of this region who have suffered the most loss and discrimination in every form. The ownership of land is changing its character and slowly but steadily land grabbing by the state government is rampantly increasing. The real motive behind it being the selling of land to the highest bidder for hospitality, industrialisation and enhancing tourism. If the local regional parties and the civil society of North Bengal especially Darjeeling,Kalimpong, Terai and Dooars do not understand this now, then the future of this region and it’s people is furthermore heading towards a deep abysmal crisis from which we may never overcome. The real question being, is this the end or the beginning?